Health beliefs often encompass both biomedical and non-biomedical perspectives they may be shaped by personal history and social interactions as well as cultural, economic, political, and environmental factors. Here we use the term health beliefs to refer to personal ideas about health in general as well as specific disease conditions or illness states examples include definitions of good or poor health, methods of health maintenance, disease causation, and illness significance or meaning ( Street & Haidet 2011). Our study seeks to add to this literature by characterizing and comparing seniors’ stroke-related health beliefs from the perspective of different racial/ethnic groups. 2011), and childhood social conditions ( Glymour et al. 2013), fatalism, optimism, spirituality, depressive symptoms ( Morgenstern et al. Researchers are now exploring beyond traditional risk factors and have identified psychosocial dimensions such as distress, anger, and hostility ( Everson-Rose et al. Traditional vascular and socioeconomic risk factors may not adequately explain these disparities. Chinese and Korean Americans also have higher mortality rates and greater proportionate mortality from hemorrhagic stroke than non-Latino Caucasians ( Jose et al. 2006), and African Americans ( Howard 2013 Kleindorfer et al. Rates of incident stroke are higher in Mexican Americans ( Morgenstern et al. 2014), racial/ethnic disparities persist. While stroke incidence and mortality rates have been improving overall and across racial/ethnic groups since the 1950s ( Carandang et al. Stroke remains the leading cause of long-term disability and is currently the fourth leading cause of death in the United States ( Koton et al.
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